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Ahmet and Nesuhi Ertegün were two Turkish teenagers who arrived in the United States in 1935. But they could not have possibly known the role they would play in both American popular culture and the fight against racial segregation. They established Atlantic Records, one of the most revolutionary record labels in the US. The company launched the careers of Ray Charles, Aretha Franklin, Miles Davis, the Rolling Stones, and Led Zeppelin. This is the tenth instalment in ‘Siyah’, which explores the relationship between African Diaspora and Turkish social and cultural narratives, with journalist Adama Juldeh Munu.


Seated far left is Ahmed Ertegün and in the middle is soul legend Aretha Franklin. Source: Fortune Magazine


Washington DC’s 1930s electric jazz scene first exposed the Ertegün brothers to African-American music genres including spirituals, blues, and gospel music. This was primarily because of their father’s diplomatic status. Mehmet Münir Ertegün was appointed Turkish ambassador to the US from 1934 to 1944. However, Jim Crow laws which legalised segregation between European-Americans and African-Americans in the social, public and economic spheres, prevented them from engaging with African-Americans openly. Ahmet recalls this: “We had a lot of friends in Washington, and we could never go to a restaurant together, never go to a movie, or go to the theater with them…it was impossible to go out. I couldn’t even take Duke Ellington, who is one of the geniuses of our country, to a restaurant… That’s how it was and we could not accept it.”


From 1940, the brothers began inviting jazz musicians they had seen play at the Howard Theatre on Saturdays to the US embassy to perform. These included musicians such as Duke Ellington and Louis Armstrong, who were allowed to flout the social convention of the times by being allowed to enter through the front door and not the back. This was a sticking point for European-American officials. Ahmet describes a conversation between his father and a Southern senator, who also happened to be a neighbour. “My father would respond with a terse one-sentence reply such as ‘In my home, friends enter by the front door – however, we can arrange for you to enter from the back’.” But they didn’t stop there. The Ertegüns launched the city’s first integrated concert in 1942 at the Jewish Community Center. They also went on to organise the National Press Club’s first integrated event, a concert that featured folk and blues artist, Lead Belly.



When their father died in 1944, Ahmet and Nesuhi chose to remain in the US. While Nesuhi briefly moved to Los Angeles to open up a record shop and company, Ahmet moved to New York in 1947 where he worked at a local record store owned by his friends, his future business partners Herb and Mariam Abramson. Here he learned about the music retail industry while studying at Georgetown University. Nesuhi eventually joined his brother in New York. After a few failed attempts in running a successful music label, the Ertegüns and Abramsons acquired a $10,000 loan from a family friend to establish Atlantic Records in 1947.

While his brother Ahmet ran executive affairs, Nesuhi also produced a number of successful jazz records with the likes of John Coltrane, Ornette Coleman and the Modern Jazz Quartet. Nesuhi later started his own distributing company and jazz label. The company mainly put out what was then known as ‘race music’, a term used to describe all music made by African-Americans. Over the decades, the company evolved its musical portfolio to include rap, pop, rock and R&B. Their investment in various musical genres has been dubbed ‘The Ahmet Factor’ and has been regarded as an important blueprint for subsequent record labels.


Nesuhi Ertegün’s first credit on a record appeared in December 1942 on Jazz Man Records, a label he later purchased


That is not to say that African-American musicians and music executives lacked cultural agency in curtailing and battling racism. Some of the most illustrious sounds and records came from Black-owned labels such as Detroit’s Motown which launched and propelled the successful music careers of the Jackson Five, Marvin Gaye, Stevie Wonder and Diana Ross. What is significant is how the Ertegün brothers exemplified effective allyship – a word that has garnered greater prominence in the era of Black Lives Matter. One could argue that they did this successfully without detracting attention from their African-American counterparts.

The fact that their Turkish identity did not impede their ability to manoeuvre a highly racialized industry is worth mentioning, given that certain European nationals, including Italians and Poles, had to fight hand to hand to negotiate their whiteness up until the mid-20th century. In Evangelism: An Americanized Christianity (2006), Richard Kyle explains that whiteness in the US context had a very narrow definition and excluded people who would be considered white today. It was borne from ideals related to European nativism. He states: “American values bore the stamp of this Anglo-Saxon protestant ascendancy. The political, cultural, religious, and intellectual leaders of the nation were largely of a Northern European Protestant stock, and they propagated public morals compatible with their background.”


A group of immigrants, most wearing fezzes, surrounding a large vessel which is decorated with the star and crescent symbol of the Ottoman Empire (1902–1913) Source: New York Public Library’s Digital Library


However, in Working Towards Whiteness (2005), David R. Roediger explains how newly arrived European immigrants lived in a ‘racial flux’ during the 19th and up to the mid-20th centuries. They were ‘placed’ below Northern European-descended whites and above people of African descent, and in order for them to rise above their allocated pecking order, historians argue many worked to prove their cultural and biological fitness to be considered ‘white’. But Turks were naturalized into ‘whiteness’ as early as the 20th century at a time when modernizers in Afghanistan, Iran and Japan were attempting to extrapolate ‘whiteness’ to procure a sense of modernity and progression. In 1909, a circuit court in Cincinnati ruled “a Turkish citizen shall be naturalized as a white person.”


The question of whether Turks are ‘white’ was the subject of a New York Times piece which concluded that they are also Europeans, as much “as the Huns, Finns, and Cossacks.” Part of this was shaped from a growing Turcocentrism that developed mostly under the Turkish Republic’s founding father, Kemal Ataturk. It drew upon that idea that Turks had close proximity to Western civilisation and identity in the name of modernity. In turn, Western intellectuals and thinkers responded positively towards Turcocentrism as a part of European identity. The French writer Léon Cahun (1841-1900) claimed in his lecture Life and Prehistoric Migrations of the People called Turks (1873) that Turks are native Europeans, for instance. It would therefore be a mistake to think that race in Turkish societal discourse suffered absenteeism. Turkism and the conceptualisation of the Turkish race were integral to Kemal Ataturk’s modernism and secularism project during the 1930s.


So, while the Ertegün brothers, the children of diplomats, were relatively sheltered from these discourses, their ability to manoeuvre against and circumvent the social protocols of the time in the US, was primarily shaped by such discourses.

Though the Ertegün brothers irrefutably helped open up a world of possibility for many African-American musicians during Jim Crow, there will be those who’ll argue that it is difficult to ignore how their position as cultural intermediaries sits uncomfortably in conversations around cultural appropriation, and the fight for Black people to own their own cultural institutions. Before his death in 2005, Ahmet told an interview how he wanted to be remembered: “I did a little bit to raise the dignity and recognition of the greatness of African-American music.”



 
 
 

This is the ninth instalment in ‘Siyah’, a series exploring the relationship between the African Diaspora and Turkish social and cultural narratives, with journalist Adama Juldeh Munu. Courtesy of the Ottoman History Podcast, the following interview explores debates on aesthetics, headwear and dress in Algeria and Turkey during the interwar years (1918-1939).



Why did hats and hijabs (head coverings in Arabic) generate so much debate among Algerian thinkers, both men and women? How did expectations about what men would wear on their heads carry different political connotations than similar debates about women’s head coverings? This episode takes up the role of dress and comportment in shaping Algerian conversations about colonialism, feminism, and Islamic reform, as well as the importance of a “Turkish model”, during interwar Algerian debates.




Hosted by Susanna Ferguson

Special guest: Seçil Yılmaz, Historian of medicine, gender, and sexuality in the Ottoman Empire and the modern Middle East


Source: “Hats and Hijab in Algeria and Turkey,” Mostafa Minawi and Chris Gratien, Ottoman History Podcast, No. 341 (7 January 2018)


Source: ’Society for Humanities’ profile


 
 
 

This is the eighth instalment in ‘Siyah’, a series which explores African Diaspora and Turkish social and cultural narratives, with journalist Adama Juldeh Munu. Ahmet Kavas argues that there’s a multitude of information on the Ottoman’s influence in parts of North and East Africa, but not so much on southern Africa – particularly during the late 19th century. In the second part of his essay, Kavas focuses in greater detail on the Ottomans’ relationship with South African Muslims and other Southern African nations.


Caption: Postage stamp showing Portrait of Sultan Ali bin Hamud (1902-1911). It was issued in October 1909.


Today one of the historical events that is known both in Turkey and South Africa is the appointment of Ebubekir Efendi by the Sultan from Istanbul for the Muslims of South Africa on an exclusive mission.


The achievements of Ebubekir Efendi were not confined to South Africa. The Ottoman Empire even planned to find scholars like him and to send them to Europe. But it was really difficult to find scholars who had the same enthusiasm he had. Even while he was alive people knew his achievements but plans of finding another person like him were not realized. European colonialist states were afraid of the Ottoman Empire’s appointments of scholars like Ebubekir Efendi to various parts of Africa. Diplomatic missions of some special ambassadors such as Sadýk el-Müeyyed Pashaa who was sent to Ethiopia and Libya by Sultan Abdulhamid II, had been followed closely by the European embassies in those countries. Sadýk el-Müeyyed Pasha like Ebubekir Efendi was not satisfied with diplomatic missions but he also wrote what he observed and experienced and compiled these as a book. After sending Ebubekir Efendi to South Africa, the Ottoman Empire henceforth started to be interested in Muslims there more closely. A consul was appointed. They decided to open a school especially for educating Muslims there called Osmanlý Mektebi.

A newspaper called The Cape Argus provides comprehensive news about the school in South Africa opened by the Ottoman Empire:


“Hadje Emaum Magnoel Efendi, Professor of the Ottoman Arabic School in the Peninsula, has conveyed his loyal and dutiful sentiments to his Highness Muhmmed V., and a prayer for the new ruler has been given out for the Musselamn community in the Peninsula. Over 70 years ago, Hadje Effendi’s father was a member of the first Cape pilgrimage to Makkah, and it was in his return from the pilgrimage that for the first time a prayer for the Ottoman ruler was included in the service of the Peninsula Muslims. On receipt of a letter from Mecca officially announcing the elevation to the throne of his Highness Reshad Efendi as Sultan, the prayer for the new ruler was announced. It is the profound hope of the Muslims in the Cape that the new Sultan will not forget them, that he will continue the modest benefits from the Imperial Treasury for the widows and for the schooling of the orphan children of Muslem parents.”


The geographer Piri Reis provides a lot of valuable information about the Comoros Islands in his book called Kitâb-ý Bahriye (The Book of Navigation). But unfortunately, Ottoman intelligentsia didn’t follow the path he opened, as it deserved. There were times that even top-level state bureaucrats became ignorant of the information he provided. Comoros Islands wanted to inform Istanbul when the French started to colonize their land in the 1840s. The Sultan of Anjouan whose island was not colonized by the French caused the local people to suffer and tormented too much in cooperation with the British consul. Those local people who wanted to inform Istanbul of what was going on first sent two of their princes to London to complain to the consul. The Ottoman ambassador in London welcomed them, paid much attention, paid for all of their expenses in London and informed Istanbul of their visit. They were welcomed perfectly when they got to Istanbul and they were paid salaries as long as they stayed in the sultan’s palace. The thing that surprised the two princes was that many of the Ottoman authorities were not aware of their countries. In short this shows us that the information Piri Reis provided 300 years ago had just been left aside. In this era, the Suez Canal had not opened and Ottoman Empire kept contact with its fleets in Basra Gulf by going around Cape Town.



The Piri Reis map is a world map compiled in 1513 by the Ottoman admiral and cartographer Piri Reis in Kitâb-ý Bahriye.


The Ottomans decided to transfer two princes with the first ship. It was the duty of the commander of the ship that, when they arrived in Comoros Islands, he was supposed to convey a letter containing some advice to be handed to the Sultan of Anjouan and he had to warn him orally not to torment his people. Dependence and devotion of Egypt, North Africa and East Africa is known. But the devotion of Muslims who lived in Southern Africa to the Ottoman Sultan is worth appreciation. They were so devoted and felt affiliated that even the workers in diamond mines sent greetings every year for the ceremonies on the anniversary of the start of Sultan Abdulhamid II’s ruling period:


“To his Imperial Majesty Sultan ul Ghazi Abdul hamid Khan II, Ruler of The Imperial Ottoman Empire, commander of the Faithful Ghadimoul harmain Sharifain. We the undersigned Aemma, Khotabah and Muezzins, representing the Colonial and Indian Mahomedans of the South African Diamond Fields, humbly desire with all reverence and affection to Express to Your Imperial Majesty on the occasion of your entry upon your fifteenth year our heartfelt wishes for your long life and happiness. It is with the deepest gratitude we remember that, although separated from Your Imperial Majesty by thousands of miles, we have yet been permitted to participate in the beneficence of your sway, and that Your Imperial Majesty has at all times evinced the kindliest interest in our social, moral and spiritual welfare. We on our part have watched with ever increasing pride the marked advancement which, under Divine Providence, the Ottoman nation has made during the fourteen years of your wise and just rule, and we pray that Your Imperial Majesty may long be spared to reign over loyal loving and prosperous people. To Your Imperial Majesty’s person the Mahomedans of the South African Diamond Fields are bound by all the ties of religion and affection. We are indebted to Your Imperial Majesty for the incalculable advantages of the Imperial Ottoman Free School, and are gratified to know that the spread of education among our. Musulman youth will in the coming years add to the undying glory of Your Imperial Majesty’s name. We humbly pray that all earthly blessings may be showered upon Your Imperial Majesty, that Your Imperial Majesty may enjoy all the happiness that attends a precious life devoted to the noblest aims, and that Your Imperial Majesty may long be shared to shed increased lustre upon a reign already made glorious in the annals of the far reaching Otoman Empire. We are Your Imperial Majesty’s most humble and loving servants.”






The Ottoman Empire constructed a railway between Istanbul and the sacred cities Makkaah and Medina. They expressed their support to all Muslims with this enterprise. Even Muslims of Mozambique’s capital city Loranso Marquiz sent donations among themselves to Istanbul, and in return they were gratified with a medal. Muslims living in the Island of Indian Oceans from Mauritius and Madagascar contacted the newly formed Turkish government in Ankara in the last days of Ottoman Empire. So aid between these countries was mutual not unilateral. Muslims from Mauritius helped the Ottomans after the war between Ottomans and Russians in 1877. Moreover, in the 1920s they collected some amount of money among themselves and sent it to the Ankara government after the national independence struggle was won.


During the first aid campaign, a person who was in the position of head of Muslims had written all the aid to the Ottoman consul. He also wanted to salute his people on national days in Ottoman clothes and demanded from Istanbul to send necessary things. All the things he asked were sent to him immediately. In the documents about the people of these islands we can see the pictures of the elite of the society wearing Ottoman clothes on important occasions.


Muslims of Mauritius and Madagascar exerted much effort to send the aid they collected to Ankara. They started campaigns for collecting aid for Turks waging war against Europeans and sent the collected aid to a magazine, Echos de l’Orient, published in Paris. The magazine announced to its readers the name of people who donated and what is donated:


“One of our friends in Tamatave, Mr. Ibrahim Mansour, was kind enough to send a cheque for 18,593 francs 55 cents to pass on to His E.E. Moustafa Kemal Pasha in Angora for the benefit of Turkish relief organizations. This sum is the proceeds of collections made in Madagascar and donations from our co-religionists in response or generous appeal from Mr. Ibrahim Mansour, to whom we are happy to address here our warm thanks as well as to all donors. We hope that our friends in Madagascar will be willing to continue their generous support because of the many difficulties we have to overcome in carrying out our task.”


Original essay published here: https://dergipark.org.tr/tr/download/article-file/582756

 
 
 

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